The main issue for prosecutors with disabilities is not the fact of having a disability itself. Rather, it represents a deeper systemic problem.
This situation does not concern a specific service from the MSEC for prosecutors. It's about the principle that has led to a culture of mutual protection and a system of falsifying statuses and privileges. This system was not established yesterday.
How does a typical Ukrainian city or village operate? The smaller it is, the more pronounced these characteristics become.
You have a head of the community and their close associates. Most likely, they have been in power for about 10 years or even longer. They may have ousted their predecessor or inherited the local throne.
They have long been profiting from land deals and budget manipulations through communal enterprises or directly. To avoid scrutiny, they have allocated land plots to all local prosecutors, judges, and police officers. When decentralization occurred, they only became stronger because no proper judiciary or law enforcement was provided.
Some nephew is building a career in the local prosecutor's office, an aunt heads the MSEC, and a son runs the local Pension Fund. They have long known how to control elections in the village council, changing parties every five years—from Regions to BPP, from BPP to "Servants," and they will switch to their lackeys when necessary.
Prosecutors and local judges have been firmly aligned with them for a long time. Governors come and go. Meanwhile, businesses (for example, the largest agrarian) either partner with them or try to avoid conflict.
As a result, a local conglomerate of nonsense forms, which is reproduced at higher levels. At the regional level, these local groups and major players start to shape a regional policy of services and privileges. And this continues to ascend.
This structure at the local level has, in fact, existed longer than the current Ukrainian statehood. Naturally, it cannot help but infect the entire vertical. This is the very deep state that is stronger than presidents, prime ministers, and ministers, who often embody similar values themselves.
For instance, the habit of collecting bonuses, sinecures, and accolades not only devalues the status of a person with a disability.
This foolish habit and even obligation is one of the killers of our science. It is difficult to assess how many thousands of prosecutors, judges, police officers, deputies, and local officials have obtained their candidate and doctoral degrees through corruption and have undermined the structure of our science and higher education. All we can say is that the impact was devastating.
I have written about the market for non-agricultural land. Anyone sensible from the regions can tell you about how communal enterprises operate locally.
So, when you ask yourself why a prosecutor needs the status of a person with a disability, why a judge received a land plot in a remote village, or why a police colonel defended a doctorate based on blatant plagiarism—IT'S BECAUSE THEY COULD AND BECAUSE IT WAS AVAILABLE. Because they have something to show off.
Criminalized business, feudalized "local self-government," prosecutors and police who are well-fed by resources and money, along with friends where necessary—these are the real power structures built on budgets and resources, which can only be countered by civil society and an effective law enforcement system.
Institutional reforms are precisely what is needed. Decentralization must be complemented by proper oversight and accountability bodies. This is why judicial reform is necessary. Police reform. Reform of the entire social vertical.
To eliminate fictitious individuals with disabilities and fake doctoral degrees, we require the same thing: a competent civil society, quality institutions, and effective law enforcement. There are no simple solutions—only a complex path.
The author expresses a personal opinion that may not align with the editorial stance. The author is responsible for the published content in the "Opinions" section.